In order to preserve the political foundations of the state, it was decided to change the structure of power, its return to the "Leninist ideals". In June-July 1988, a decision was made to create a two-stage power system:

1) Congress of People's Deputies of 2250 people;

2) the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (554 people) elected by the Congress and renewed every year by 1/5. (

1 People's Congress dep. the USSR- May-June 1989 (Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR - M.S. Gorbachev; Chairman of the Soviet Min. - N.I. Ryzhkov were elected; for the first time there was an official opposition of the "interregionals", for the first time a daily broadcast of all meetings).

2 People's Congress dep. the USSR- November 1989 (political propaganda decisions: there was an open skirmish between Academician Sakharov and M.S. Gorbachev, the pact with Germany of 1939 was condemned, the XIII Five-Year Plan was discussed, but not adopted, the entry of troops into Afghanistan was condemned) .

3 Extraordinary Congress of people. dep. the USSR- March 1990 (abolished Article 6 of the Constitution, elected the first President of the USSR M.S. Gobachev, refused to recognize Lithuania's secession from the USSR).

4 People's Congress dep. the USSR- December 1990 At the congress, for the first time, the question of the resignation of MS Gorbachev was raised. It is noteworthy that this question was formulated by a representative of the CPSU. However, soon the Supreme Council granted MS Gorbachev emergency powers.

The last Congress of the CPSU - the XXVIIIth, July 1990. Yeltsin, Popov, Sobchak left the party at the congress. By the end of 1990, the CPSU had shrunk by a third. The number of party members dropped to 15 million. MS Gorbachev proposed the creation of the Union of Northern States.

Sovereignty parade.

The process of disintegration of the USSR began with the beginning of the process of disintegration of the CPSU. In 1989, the Communist Party of Lithuania withdrew from the CPSU. In the same years, from May 1988 to January 1991, declarations of independence or sovereignty were adopted in all the union and autonomous republics. But the Baltic States went further. On March 11, 1990, Lithuania adopted the Act on the Restoration of State Independence. Soon, on June 12, 1990, at the First Congress of Nar. dep. The RSFSR adopted the Declaration on State Sovereignty of the RSFSR. Bilateral treaties were concluded with the Baltic republics. Soon, four days later, the same Declaration was adopted by Ukraine. In October 1990, Yeltsin announced that the RSFSR was not subordinating to the federal authorities and that he was beginning to pursue his own course of reforms. This decision was enshrined in law.

Soon similar Declarations were adopted in the autonomous republics of the RSFSR (Yakutia, TASSR, Chechnya, Bashkiria).

Novo-Ogarevsky process.

On June 24, a draft of a new union treaty was published. However, the Baltic republics refused to discuss it. A negative attitude towards the treaty was expressed by the western regions of Ukraine and Moldova. Similar sentiments reign in Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia.

On March 17, at the referendum on the existence of the USSR, support was expressed for the union state (76%). On April 24, in Novo-Ogaryovo, a preliminary agreement "9 + 1" was signed. The signing of the new union treaty was scheduled for 21 August. The new state was to become a confederation. Gorbachev was supposed to be the new President, Nazarbayev was to be the Prime Minister.

On the eve of the signing of the agreement, M.S. Gorbachev went on vacation to the state. dacha Foros in the Crimea.

The collapse of the USSR.

GKChP.

On August 19, 1991, at 6 o'clock in the morning, the creation of the State Emergency Committee was announced. Vice-President of the USSR G.I. Yanaev announced the temporary assumption of the functions of the head of state. This was due to MS Gorbachev's illness.

The Commission included Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, min. Defense Marshal of the USSR D.T. Yazov, chairman. KGB V.A. Kryuchkov, min. ext. cases of B.K. Pugo and others. The circumstances of the creation of the State Emergency Committee are poorly understood. Probably, all parties to this process were interested in this, both those who joined the Commission and those who were temporarily removed from power. The actions of the Commission corresponded to the plan approved by M.S. Gorbachev back in the spring of 1991. At a meeting in Foros between members of the Commission and the President of the USSR, Gorbachev did not oppose the measures of the State Emergency Committee, did not remove them from power, and even shook hands with them.

The members of the Commission motivated their actions by the inconsistency of the future treaty with the norms of the Constitution of the USSR, by the danger of disrupting the events scheduled for August 21 (Ukraine, for example, hesitated), and by the desire to prevent the collapse of the USSR. However, the actions of the Commission were poorly coordinated. Troops were brought into Moscow, but they were not given clear orders, they were not explained the meaning of their presence, they were not given ammunition. At the same time, the RSFSR Armed Forces began to resubordinate the army, but no one opposed this. The highest command staff and commanders of military units began to change their oath, recognizing BN Yeltsin as commander-in-chief. The supply and support of the activities of the government of the RSFSR continued. The commission mobilized the army, but did not dare to send units and formations loyal to the oath on the basis of military schools that supported the State Emergency Committee to Moscow. Mass rallies began in Moscow and Leningrad. Barricades were spontaneously erected. Free food, alcohol, and water were imported to improvised gathering places for opposition youth and citizens.

On August 20, B.N. Yeltsin issued a decree on the prohibition of the activities of the CPSU. The plenum scheduled for August 20-21 did not take place.

By August 21, the opposition took the initiative into their own hands. On the night of 21/22, the President of the USSR returned to Moscow. On August 23, at a meeting of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, M.S. Gorbachev confirmed the legality of all Decrees of B.N. Yeltsin.

By August 26, all members of the GKChP were arrested, the party buildings were taken away. Mirshal Akhromeev, manager Affairs of the Central Committee of the CPSU Kruchin, min. ext. Del Pugo committed suicide. Yazov refused the pardon and got a trial. The court recognized the actions of the GKChP members as legal, and justified the actions of the GKChP members.

On September 2, MS Gorbachev announced the preparation of a new union treaty designed to create a Union of Sovereign States on a confederal basis. On the same days the last Congress of Nar. deputies of the USSR. A new program was adopted state structure for a transitional period and the State Council was established.

The first decision of the State. Council was the recognition of the independence of the Baltic republics. In August-September, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia and Turkmenistan declared independence. And on November 25, members of the State Council refused to sign the agreement written with their participation.

On December 1, Ukraine declared its full independence, and 2 days later it was recognized by the RSFSR as an independent state. And already on December 8, in secrecy at the dacha " Bialowieza Forest The collapse of the USSR was recognized and an agreement was signed on the creation of the CIS. A few days later, despite the statement of M.S. Gorbachev, the decisions of the Belovezhskaya agreement were ratified by the Armed Forces of the republics. For some time, Nazarbayev spoke out against the collapse of the USSR. On December 25, MS Gorbachev announced the resignation of the powers of the President of the USSR. BN Yeltsin terminated the powers of deputies of the USSR Armed Forces, the flag of Russia was raised over the Kremlin.

Decay Soviet system happened later, in 1993, during the confrontation between the President of Russia and the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. The court recognized BN Yeltsin's actions as unlawful. However, the President won the political confrontation. The new constitution of the RSFSR created new authorities, completely eliminating the Soviet form of democracy.

Foreign policy of the USSR in the mid-60s - early 90s of the XX century.

Socialist countries. commonwealth.

After the removal of N.S. Khrushchov, the new government began a course to eliminate the problems that arose during the previous period of government. It was necessary to normalize relations with Romania, China, restore relations with the United States and with the countries of the "third world". It was necessary to cope with the threat of the collapse of the social camp.

The most important events of this period were

1) entry of ATS troops into Czechoslovakia (1968);

2) a military clash with China on about. Damansky (1969);

3) participation in military conflicts in Vietnam (60s), India, the Middle East, Lebanon and Syria (70s), Egypt (1948-1949, 60s);

4) participation in the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (1973-1975);

5) the expansion of the CMEA at the expense of Vietnam and Cuba, agreements were concluded with Yugoslavia, Finland, Iran, Mexico, Nicaragua

6) signing of the ABM, SALT 1 and SALT 2 treaties with the USA (1972);

7) participation in the Polish watered. the crisis of the first half of the 80s (gen. V. Jaruzelsky);

By the way, these days it would be quite possible to celebrate one event 25 years ago, which in many respects in subsequent years decided the fate of the entire post-Soviet space, and changed us in many ways. But somehow quiet on our radio and on TV.

But if you look back a quarter of a century ago, from the height of the past years, you can already say with confidence that then everything ended not in 1991, but in the early summer of 1989 ...

Late 80s. The country lived in hope for the best and in anticipation of freedom. In June-July 1988, at its XIX Conference, the CPSU nevertheless announced a course for political reform. And on December 1, 1988, the USSR Law "On the Elections of People's Deputies of the USSR" was adopted, which took place in the spring of 1989. These were the first democratic alternative elections in the history of the Union.

Live broadcasts from the 1st Congress overshadowed the entire information space on 1/6 of the land. The voices of people's deputies did not sound then except from a gas burner. Shops, workshops, ateliers from May 25 to June 9 were set to the same program. Working under a deputy background was in the order of things. Well, where there was no TV, they turned on the radio. Then it even seemed that the radio for the first time won a competitive battle with TV. It's one thing when motorists in the car turned on all the power of the meeting from the Kremlin Palace of Congresses. But when a young and spectacular girl in high heels walked down the street with a small transistor under her arm...

I remember there was a saying:

All the people do not sleep, do not eat,
CONGRESS is watching TV!

Mikhail Gorbachev interrupts Academician Sakharov:

Boris Yeltsin:

By the way, at the same time, another topic that was acute for the people was vigorously discussed in society - a new and terrible disease for a person, AIDS. Therefore, along with the congress, another pun was walking among the people:

All the people do not eat, do not sleep,
Tested for AIDS!

For some reason it's not funny anymore.
Oh, now that mood, desire and spirit of freedom in our modern State Duma ... But somehow quickly everything turned out to be emasculated in 25 years.

Chronology

• 1989, May - July I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR
• 1989, December II Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR
• 1990, March III Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Election of M.S. Gorbachev President of the USSR
• 1990, June 12 Declaration on State Sovereignty of the RSFSR
• June 12, 1991 Elected President of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin

Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR

At the May 1989 I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR

Congress of People's Deputies

the unfolding discussion revealed the presence of a wide group of radical deputies, such as A. Sobchak, E. Yevtushenko, A. Adamovich, Yu. Chernichenko, B. Yeltsin. Academician A. Sakharov became the leader of the democratic wing. The radicals did not have a clear program and strategy of behavior at the Congress. Their opposition line developed spontaneously, gradually rallying like-minded people around them. All aspects of Gorbachev's course were criticized by the radicals, first of all, the economic one. By the beginning of the Congress, the economy was in a crisis state, the commodity deficit and hidden inflation were constantly deepening. The most necessary goods disappeared from the shelves: soap, salt, washing powder, bread, milk, shoes, bed linen. The people believed less and less in the CPSU headed by the General Secretary.

Food coupons

The reflection of the economic crisis in the country was the intensity of political passions at the Congress. Deputy Yu.A. Chernichenko, speaking at the Congress, called the supporters of M.S. Gorbachev by an “aggressively obedient majority”, and G. Popov openly declared his opposition to this majority and called for the formation of an interregional independent deputy group. In fact, at the Congress there was a division of the united camp of supporters of perestroika into moderate headed by M.S. Gorbachev and radicals(A. Sakharov and B. Yeltsin played the leading role among them).

I Congress of People's Deputies formed Supreme Soviet of the USSR. M.S. was elected its chairman. Gorbachev.

For 1989. conflict between M.S. Gorbachev and the radicals deepened. The radicals opposed preservation of the USSR, against socialism, against party monopoly.

On the II Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR held in December 1989, they advocated repeal of the sixth article Constitution (on the leading role of the CPSU). After the sudden death of Academician Sakharov on December 14, 1989, leadership in the radical movement passed to B.N. Yeltsin.

First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU B.N. Yeltsin accepts the Red Banner of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Council of Ministers of the USSR, the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions and the Central Committee of the Komsomol

By this time, radicals from the Baltic states had achieved tangible success. The Baltic People's Fronts declared the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact illegal, and, consequently, illegal the entry of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the USSR.

In early 1990, Russian radicals developed a new strategy in connection with the upcoming elections for the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia. They proceeded from the fact that the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR is conservative, which means that it is necessary to achieve the sovereignty of Russia and carry out reforms in it.

III Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR held in March 1990, canceled Article 6 of the Constitution. At the III Congress M.S. Gorbachev was elected USSR President, but less than 60% of deputies voted for it. This clearly indicated a decline in his popularity.

In June 1990, the radicals won the elections at the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, and Chairman of the Supreme Council Russian Federation was elected B.N. Yeltsin. G. Popov and A. Sobchak headed the state authorities in Moscow and Leningrad, respectively. At the same congress, the Declaration on the State Sovereignty of Russia was adopted.

AT July 1990. took place XXVIII congress of the CPSU, which began a mass exodus of radicals from the ranks of the CPSU. New parties were formed that advocated pure liberalism - the Democratic Party of Russia, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Republican Party, etc. There is a decisive transition of the radicals to anti-communist positions. At the same time, at the opposite pole they concentrate conservatives. Are being created Russian Communist Party headed by I. Polozkov(subsequently he was replaced in this post by G. Zyuganov), the faction “ Union”, who accused M.S. Gorbachev in the collapse of the USSR. According to representatives of this faction, Gorbachev succeeded in what foreign interventionists from Napoleon to Hitler failed to do - turn a great power into a minor state.

Rally

Thus, in 1989 - 1990. M.S. Gorbachev was forced to maneuver between the opposition on the left and on the right, he tried to hold on centrist positions. In many respects, this was possible thanks to the support of the West, which continued to rely on him, and not on B. Yeltsin as the leader of democratic reforms in Russia.

By mid-1990, the Soviet leadership decided to introduce private ownership of the means of production. If at the first stage of perestroika attempts were made to improve the socialist system, then with the recognition of economic pluralism, the dismantling of the foundations of socialism began. The President was offered several programs for the transition to a market economy. The most famous was the program called "500 days", aimed at a quick and decisive transition to the market, created under the leadership of G. Yavlinsky. The President gave preference to a more moderate program of the government.

A layer of entrepreneurs appeared in the country and began to legalize. At the same time, the standard of living of the population was declining more and more rapidly. Store shelves were empty, private trade prices were out of reach for most wage earners. A strike movement arose in the country, miners were especially active. Failures in the economy increasingly undermined the positions of the reformers headed by M.S. Gorbachev.

The weakening of the central government led to the aggravation of interethnic conflicts and the growth of separatism.

On the IV Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR(December 1990) the question of the further existence of the Union was raised. The congress spoke in favor of the preservation of the USSR. In accordance with the decision of the congress, an all-Union referendum was held. 76.4% of those participating in the referendum voted for the preservation of the USSR. However, the movement to secede from the USSR intensified. In 1988 - 1990. Declarations on state sovereignty have already been adopted by Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Azerbaijan and Moldova.

B.N. Yeltsin

NEW POLITICAL CONFIGURATION

Under the conditions of “perestroika” (the reform program carried out by the leader of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev since 1985), a partial modernization of the structure of the state bodies of the USSR was carried out, which, according to the initiators, was supposed to strengthen the union state and prevent its collapse. Changes made to the constitution in November 1988 declared the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to be the supreme body of state power. He could consider and decide any issue related to the jurisdiction of the Union. The exclusive competence of the Congress included the adoption of the constitution and the introduction of amendments (by a two-thirds majority), the regulation of the state structure and relations between the republics, the determination of the main directions of domestic and foreign policy, the approval of state plans and programs, the election of the Supreme Council and its chairman, the approval of the chairmen of the Council ministers, the Supreme Court, the Attorney General, making decisions on holding a referendum, etc. The congress could approve or cancel the laws of the Supreme Council and government decisions.

The congress consisted of 2250 deputies elected by popular vote for 5 years. Of these, 750 were elected from territorial districts with an equal population, 750 from national-territorial districts (32 from each union republic, 11 from each autonomous republic, 5 from each autonomous region and 1 from each autonomous district) and 750 from all-Union public organizations(100 each from the Communist Party, trade unions and cooperative organizations, 75 each from the Communist Youth League, women's councils, veteran, scientific, etc. organizations, creative unions, etc.). Regular meetings of the Congress were convened once a year.

The Congress of People's Deputies elected a permanent legislative, administrative and control body - the Supreme Council (analogous to the Parliament). He determined the structure of the government, appointed its head and, on his recommendation, ministers, made appointments to the highest military and judicial posts, established the foundations of union legislation and carried out economic regulation, ratified international treaties and agreements, etc. The Supreme Council consisted of two equal chambers - the Council of the Union and the Council of Nationalities, both of which were elected at the Congress of People's Deputies by secret ballot of all deputies. Since 1989, each chamber has had 271 members. The Council of the Union was elected from among the deputies elected from the territorial districts and public organizations, and the Council of Nationalities - from the deputies elected from the national-territorial districts and public organizations (according to the norm: 11 each from the union, 4 each from the autonomous republic, 2 each - from the autonomous region, 1 each - from the autonomous district). The congress annually renewed one-fifth of the members of both chambers. Disagreements between the chambers were submitted to a conciliation commission, and if no agreement was reached, to the Congress of People's Deputies.

The functions of the head of state essentially passed to the chairman of the Supreme Council as the highest official of the state. He represented the USSR inside the country and abroad, supervised the preparation of legislative acts and signed the acts of the Congress and the Supreme Council, presented reports on the situation in the country and the world and on candidates for top positions. Mikhail Gorbachev was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council in 1989.

Encyclopedia "Circumnavigation"

http://krugosvet.ru/enc/istoriya/SOYUZ_SOVETSKIH_SOTSIALISTICHESKIH_RESPUBLIK_SSSR.html?page=0,2#part-5

CONGRESS OPENING

Chairman of the Central Election Commission for the Election of People's Deputies of the USSR VP Orlov.

presiding.

Dear Comrades People's Deputies of the USSR! It has been a great honor for me. In accordance with the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, I, as Chairman of the Central Electoral Commission, will have to open the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

The elections and the preparations for them were held in conditions of wide openness and openness that had never been seen before, and a rapid growth in the political activity of the working people. This was especially convincingly confirmed on March 26, Sunday, when more than 172 million Soviet people - almost 90 percent of all voters included in the lists - came to the polls to express all shades of public opinion and support perestroika.

The elections confirmed that the people see in Lenin's party a force capable of uniting Soviet society, ensuring its consolidation, and finding effective ways to solve pressing problems and overcome difficulties. We have not yet had a more powerful, nationwide referendum in favor of the Communist Party, its course of renewal.

Today, 2,155 People's Deputies of the USSR out of 2,249 elected are present at the Congress. Detailed data on the results of the elections, on the composition of the deputies will be reported by the Credentials Commission, which will be elected by the Congress and to which the Central Election Commission will transfer all the documentation necessary to verify the powers of the deputies.

It should be said that in this hall today there are workers, collective farmers, production commanders, scientists, cultural figures, military personnel - people different professions, different generations, representatives of the people with great political and intellectual potential.

The composition of the deputies reflects the multinational character of our country. Among them are representatives of 65 nations and nationalities.

INTERREGIONAL DEPUTY GROUP

The core of the future Interregional Group was actually formed already in the first days of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR around the democratic part of the Moscow delegation, thanks to which these deputies immediately received the name of the "Moscow group", although it included both Leningraders and representatives of many other regions of the Union. The most notable speeches of the "Moscow group" at the Congress were those of Academician Andrei Sakharov, historian Yuri Afanasiev, Moscow economist Gavriil Popov, Leningrad economist Anatoly Sobchak and former champion world - weightlifter Yuri Vlasov.

The Interregional Group took shape at its first meeting on June 7, 1989 in the conference hall of the Moscow Hotel, on July 29-30 the 1st general conference of the Interregional Group was held, at which it was determined how many people's deputies and who exactly were included in the MDG. "Abstracts for the program were adopted practical activities on deepening and implementing perestroika" and elected a Coordinating Council of 25 people and 5 co-chairs. The conference was attended by 316 deputies, of which 268 people were identified as members of the MDT. The inter-regional deputy group on 07/30/89 was 388 people.

Academician Andrei Sakharov, Boris Yeltsin, Yuri Afanasiev, Gavriil Popov, Anatoly Sobchak (Leningrad), Nikolai Travkin, Arkady Murashev, Yuri Chernichenko, Alexander Obolensky (Apatity), Gennady Burbulis (Sverdlovsk), Yuri Karyakin, Milen Martirosyan were elected to the MDG CC (Ukraine), Sergey Stankevich, Evdokia Gaer (Vladivostok), Vladimir Volkov (Sverdlovsk), Academician of VASKhNIL Vladimir Tikhonov, Viktor Palm (Estonia), Valentin Logunov, Alla Yaroshinskaya-Zgerskaya (Ukraine), Mikhail Bocharov, Telman Gdlyan, Viktor Goncharov ( Ukraine), Mikhail Poltoranin, Alexei Emelianov, Corresponding Member. USSR Academy of Sciences Alexey Yablokov. B. Yeltsin, Yu. Afanasiev, G. Popov, V. Palm and A. Sakharov became co-chairs of the CC, Arkady Murashev became the secretary.

Among the deputies - members of the MDG there were several people directly connected with the informal movement: the leader of the Popular Front of Karelia Sergey Belozertsev, a member of the Coordinating Council of the Moscow Popular Front Sergey Stankevich, a representative of the Yaroslavl Popular Front Igor Shamshev, one of the founders of the Apatity Voluntary Society for the Promotion of Perestroika (DOSP) Alexander Obolensky. Nevertheless, most of the members of the MDG belonged to the ranks of the Soviet status intelligentsia and held far from radical views. Only 49% of the participants in the 1st conference of the MDG unequivocally spoke in favor of a multi-party system, another 40% favored a discussion on the introduction of a multi-party system (5% were in favor of maintaining a one-party system). To a large number of deputies from the MDG, the views of Academician A.D. Sakharov seemed overly radical, and it was Sakharov who received the smallest number of votes out of the 5 co-chairs (69; Yeltsin - 144).

At the 2nd MDT Conference, which was held at the Moscow Cinema House on September 23-24, 1989, the MDT Platform was adopted. The platform included the demand for the abolition of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution on the "leading role of the CPSU", the democratization of the electoral system, the democratic law on the press, laws on land, property, and a new Union Treaty. A significant part of the requirements of the MDG was actually adopted during 1989-90, including the abolition of Article 6 - despite the fact that in proportional terms, the MDG never made up more than 12% of the total number of people's deputies of the USSR.

The interregional deputy group had a strong influence on the formation of the general program of the democratic movement in Russia, including the process of eliminating the ideology of "true socialism" that prevailed in the movement in 1987-88. To a large extent, on the basis of the MDH platform, the program documents of the PEOPLE'S FRONT of the RSFSR (a confederation of democratic movements of Russia) and the Interregional Association of Democratic Organizations (MADO - a coalition of democratic movements of the USSR), as well as the electoral bloc "DEMOCRATIC RUSSIA" proclaimed in October 1989, were built. 1990

During the work of the II Congress of People's Deputies, the Interregional Deputy Group experienced a serious crisis. A. Sakharov and Yu. Afanasiev called on the MDG to openly declare itself a parliamentary opposition that does not take responsibility for the actions of the CPSU government. S. Stankevich and A. Sobchak opposed this point of view. The death of Academician Sakharov put an end to the sharp controversy within the MDG. After the funeral of A. Sakharov, a compromise solution was found: some of the members of the MDG signed a collective statement stating that they consider themselves "opposition", some did not sign, but both of them retained their organizational unity within the group. About 200 members of the MDG joined the "opposition".

V. Pribylovsky. Interregional Deputy Group (MDG)

“AGGRESSIVE-OBEDIENT MOST”

presiding. Comrades! We have accumulated urgent requests from deputies here. Deputy Afanasyev asks during the course of the Congress to let him speak. You are welcome.

Afanasiev Yu.N., Rector of the Moscow State Institute of History and Archives (Noginsk Territorial Electoral District, Moscow Region). Dear Comrade Deputies! We are all called upon to critically evaluate the situation in the country. I think we should and must also critically evaluate our own activities at the Congress. And in this sense, for a number of reasons, about which I came out to speak, yesterday's work of your Congress made a depressing impression on me.

Firstly, around midnight we did not hear the voice of the Karabakh delegation, or, to be more precise, did not react to it in any way. And in the end, he was left without any reaction from our side. A little earlier, we all together essentially left the Lithuanian delegation in a state of political isolation, which came out with a proposal formulated, in my opinion, in a completely unfortunate way, but nevertheless with a proposal that has a basis. And we launched the usual machine. Several moralizing and stigmatizing speeches, including speeches by Zalygin and Medvedev, whom I respect, followed by a stupefying majority vote. (Applause).

Even earlier, we hastily formed the composition of the Supreme Council. In a hurry in which we did not hear whole line good suggestions, from my point of view. In particular, the proposal of Rodion Shchedrin. And in the end, the voice of Rodion Shchedrin disappeared, and with it the deputy Travkin, who was discussed, disappeared into oblivion. Further, I was present, like many here, at a meeting of the Russian delegation that did not lead to any normal conclusions, which was held in a hurry and which could not normally discuss very many issues. Comrades, I think that everyone here is free to express their opinion, including myself, and that's why I'm talking.

Once again I carefully looked at the composition of our Supreme Soviet. I am obliged to say this because I think this and I am convinced of this: if we keep in mind the level of qualification of the deputies against the background of the tasks that this Supreme Council has to solve, if we keep in mind the level of their professionalism, which is required in these difficult for our country conditions, then we formed the Stalin-Brezhnev Supreme Soviet ... (Noise in the hall, applause). Now about the majority that has formed...

presiding. Yuri Nikolaevich, three minutes have expired.

Afanasiev Yu. N. I'm already finishing. This, too, is the depressing thing I wanted to talk about. And I appeal to you, to this, I would say, aggressively obedient majority, which yesterday flunked all those decisions of the Congress that the people expect from us ... (Noise in the hall).

presiding. Quiet, comrades. I think a serious conversation is going on.

Afanasiev Yu. N. I'm finishing up But I'm just asking you not to clap and not to shout, because that's what I came here to say. So, respected aggressively obedient majority, and you, Mikhail Sergeevich, either attentively listening to this majority, or skillfully influencing it. We can continue to work like this. We can be obedient, not line up, neatly submit notes. We can be blissful, as Father Pitirim called us to that. But let's not forget for a minute about those who sent us to this Congress. They did not send us here to behave kindly, but to make a decisive change in the state of affairs in the country. (Applause).

Reader on the history of Russia. From the USSR to the Russian Federation. 1985-2001

Russia - 2000. Contemporary Political History (1985-1999), vol. 1, Chronicle and Analytics.

The first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR opened in Moscow on May 25, 1989. The Congress immediately did not go the way its organizers had expected. The chairman of the Central Election Commission V.P.

Orlov to finish his speech, how, without asking anyone, in front of the astonished audience and the shocked country, the Riga doctor V.F. Tolpezhnikov and invited the delegates to honor the memory of those killed during the dispersal of the demonstration in Tbilisi. As soon as the lists of participants of the presidium of the congress prepared in advance and proposals for the agenda were announced, a man appeared on the podium, whose name the whole country knew: academician A.D. Sakharov. He was known for decades as a dissident, exiled to Gorky, as the creator of the hydrogen bomb, deprived of three Hero stars. socialist labor for his advocacy work. Know something knew, but the vast majority saw and heard it for the first time. All the more important was what he said.

And Sakharov said the following: “I propose to adopt as one of the first items on the agenda the decree of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. We are experiencing a revolution, perestroika is a revolution, and the word "decree" is the most appropriate in this case. The exclusive right of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR is the adoption of laws of the USSR, the appointment of higher officials... In accordance with this, changes should be made to those articles of the Constitution of the USSR that relate to the rights of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR ... The second fundamental question that confronts us is the question of whether we can, whether we have the right to elect the head State - Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR before discussion, before discussion on the entire range of issues that determine the fate of our country ... "

Sakharov declared that he supported Gorbachev's candidacy for this post, but this support was, in his words, "conditional". He insisted on alternatives in the election of the chairman of the Supreme Council, on the obligatory discussion of the political program of candidates1.

His speech was not the speech of an experienced orator. He did not have a "commanding voice" or spectacularly lined phrases. There was something else - amazing courage and responsibility that exceeded political calculations. He addressed not only the congress, but also the country. She recognized him and remembered him.

The country also heard the voices of deputies from the Baltic republics. Their speeches concerned, at first glance, questions of the technique of parliamentary procedures. Among them - the right of deputies from the republics to seek discussion of the issue at a meeting of the congress, if this proposal is supported by up to two-thirds of the republican deputies, the immediate adoption of the rules of the congress, and only after this discussion of other issues. They were supported by some Russian deputies. And when Gorbachev, who chaired the congress, read out a note that “the attempts of some deputies to take the congress away to discuss procedural issues is a very harmful thing,” it became clear to those who followed the course of the meeting: procedural issues are an important matter, this is what distinguishes a parliamentary session (although at first they were afraid to use the word “parliament” itself) from a party congress, where everything is agreed in advance, decided, and the delegates only have to vote unanimously.

Already on the first day of the congress, the most acute national problems emerged. Deputies from Georgia insisted on investigating the events in Tbilisi, deputies from Armenia and Azerbaijan filed mutual accusations about the events in Sumgayit and Karabakh; lieutenant colonel V.I. Alksnis accused the leadership of the Latvian SSR of discrimination against the Russian-speaking population in the republic, deputy P.P. Falk spoke about the need to restore German autonomy (the ASSR of the Volga Germans was liquidated during the war years).

The clear and indisputable favorite for the post of chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was Gorbachev. The remarks addressed to him concerned the expediency of combining posts Secretary General and the chairman of the Supreme Council, asked for an explanation about the construction of his dacha in the Crimea, gave "orders" for the future.

B.N. was nominated twice. Yeltsin for this post: for the first time it was proposed by V.A. Biryukov, the second - G.E. Burbulis, both from Sverdlovsk region. Yeltsin refused to put forward his candidacy. some intrigue in

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Verbatim report. M., 1989. T. 1. S. 9-11.

the course of the congress was introduced by the self-nomination of A.M. Obolensky, an engineer from Apatity. But he wasn't even on the voting list. As a result of the vote, Gorbachev received an absolute majority. "For" - 2123 votes, "against" - 87.

The congress was especially poignant due to the live television broadcast of all sessions. Within a few days, little-known people elected as deputies became famous throughout the country, they were recognized not only “by sight”, but also by voice. Television killed the "sacred secret" of power. There was an opportunity to compare, evaluate, agree or object. Broadcasting of the sessions of the congress became a powerful, unparalleled catalyst for political sentiments.

The Congress of People's Deputies for the first time gave an all-Union platform for the expression of various views and positions. During the days of the congress, the republics in fact became what they were only formally according to the Constitution - subjects of the USSR. The problems that worried the population of each of them were openly named. The delegations of the Baltic republics insisted on investigating the circumstances of the conclusion and assessing the consequences of the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact, on the introduction of republican self-financing, and proposed a draft law on the economic independence of the republics. The Ukrainian and Belarusian delegations had their own dissenting opinion in the development of the USSR budget, taking into account the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster. The Uzbek delegates protested against the activities of Gdlyan's investigative group.

During the election of deputies to the USSR Armed Forces - a permanent body of power - an inevitable split occurred. The carefully prepared list of candidates for the Supreme Council did not include people who became leaders of the opposition. This gave rise to Yu.N. Afanasyev to accuse both the congress deputies and the chairman M.S. Gorbachev that the Supreme Soviet is being formed as a "Stalin-Brezhnev" one, and calling the congress delegates "an aggressively obedient majority"1.

Yeltsin was not elected either. The RSFSR had in the Council of Nationalities and places. As a result of the vote, Yeltsin won more than half of the votes, but ended up 12th. Unexpectedly, a deputy from Omsk, A. Kazannik, who was elected to the Supreme Soviet, asked for self-withdrawal on the condition that Yeltsin would take his place. It was a unique precedent. The rules of procedure for the work of the congress did not provide that self-withdrawal could be subject to any conditions. Self-withdrawal could be accepted by the congress, but without any conditions. Sobchak discharged the general confusion. From his discussions about the world legal practice and various options solutions to the existing legal incident it followed that it was necessary to satisfy Kazannik's self-withdrawal so that the one who scored the following number of votes took his place.

This procedure was approved by the congress. So Yeltsin became a member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

At the congress, Yeltsin was the center of attention of journalists, but he did not rush to the podium. He performed only twice, and far from being as bold as A. Sakharov, A. Sobchak, G. Popov or S. Stankevich. one

There. pp. 223-224.

First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Verbatim report. M., 1989.

On the last day of G.Kh. Popov announced the creation of an "inter-regional deputy group" (MDG), which, in fact, became a political opposition within the Congress of People's Deputies. At the origins of the MDG was the club of Moscow deputies. The statement on the formation of the MDG at the congress was signed by 157 deputies1. Then their number grew.

During the election campaign, Yeltsin kept aloof from the democratic movement of the Moscow intelligentsia. Criticizing the course of perestroika, he tried not to go overboard, he did not aim at authorities, he constantly emphasized that his election program did not contradict the party one, that he supported the strategic course of the party, differing only in matters of tactics.

The indistinctness of Yeltsin's political views was noted by both his opponents and supporters. V. Fedorov (Sakhalinsky)2, commenting on Yeltsin's interview dated October 19, 1989, to Rodina magazine, wrote: general development the Soviet state." “Boris Nikolaevich has repeatedly demonstrated the courage of his thinking, for the benefit of democracy, he violated many taboos that we received with mother's milk. Still, his political credo is not entirely clear to this day. What we hear from his lips is rather fragmentary and not interconnected, than simply left unsaid.

For the democrats, a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Minister Yeltsin remained a stranger, a representative of the party elite, although disgraced. Here are just two opinions about him, relating to April 1989 Sergei Mitrofanov: “But why is Yeltsin still fighting against the apparatus? What if he is just fighting for a new apparatus, trying to save what can still be saved, and in fact not a subversive of the foundations, but a representative of a new generation of leaders who have realized that they are cutting the branch on which they sit?

Pavel Felgenhauer: “The Yeltsin phenomenon has no analogies in the history of modern Russia. Attorney party functionary returns to the center political life not through apparatus intrigues, but relying on the clearly expressed will of the people, acquiring the features of an epic hero before our eyes. The liberal-radical opposition is hopelessly divided. There is no way to unite on any ideological platform, but you can unite around a charismatic personality. Everyone can unite around Yeltsin”4.

Yeltsin's first speech at the MDG meeting was not successful. He was accused of speaking as the secretary of the regional committee. Many MDT organizers had doubts whether to invite Yeltsin. With all his conflicts with the party nomenclature, he did not go beyond the rules of the game dictated by the System.

Logunov V. Interregional deputy group: a year in opposition //People's Deputy. 1990, no. 12. P.21.

V. Fedorov-Sakhalinsky - in 1990 the chairman of the Sakhalin regional executive committee, after the elections he was invited to the supreme advisory and coordinating council of the Presidium of the RSFSR Supreme Council, then transformed into a presidential council.

Motherland. 1990. No. 1. Quoted from: Fedorov (Sakhalinsky) V. Yeltsin. Feature article. - M., 1995. S.14,18-19 '

Referendum. Journal of Independent Opinions 1987-1990. Selected materials. M., 1990. S. 166-167.

G. Shakhnazarov recalled his conversation with G. Popov about Yeltsin. When asked what the Democrats found in Yeltsin, Popov replied: "The people like it ... He is bold, cuts the system cooler than anyone." Shakhnazarov: "But the intellectual potential is not painfully great." Popov: "And he doesn't need to especially assert himself, that's our concern." Shakhnazarov: "Gavriil Kharitonovich, what if he, as they say, decides to go his own way?" Popov: “Hey, my dear, in that case we’ll just throw him off, and that’s it”1. More transparent was

A. Sakharov, who is credited with the words: “we all have our own business to which you can switch - science, teaching, art. Yeltsin has nothing but a political future. He will go with us to the end." As noted by S.S. Alekseev, Yeltsin was assigned a certain role - not a spiritual companion, but a striking force, a leader.

Be that as it may, Yeltsin not only became a member of the MDG, but was also elected one of its five co-chairs. Yu.N. Afanasiev, V.A. Palm, G.H. Popov and A.D. Sakharov. The fundamental provisions of the MDG platform were: recognition of private property, including land; decentralization of power; economic independence of the republics, increasing their sovereignty3.

In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Yeltsin was elected chairman of the committee on construction and architecture, in connection with this, the only one from the MDG, became a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. This committee, formed according to the sectoral principle, was created at the suggestion of Gorbachev specifically for Yeltsin. Other committees and commissions of the SC should be formed on the basis of problems. There were great difficulties in organizing the work of the Committee. All executive bodies for managing capital construction in the country were liquidated, as a result of the reorganization, the Gosstroy of the USSR did not have administrative functions. The committee was overwhelmed with paperwork, there were not enough staff and funds.

Now Yeltsin's office was located in the Moskva Hotel, where luxury rooms were reserved for the work of committees of the Supreme Soviet. According to Olbik's memoirs, there were two small T-table, three chairs of green velvet upholstery, two of the same armchairs, a small coffee table, light curtains on the doors, a parquet floor polished to a shine and one ordinary telephone set. On the table, the journalist noticed the book "Gorbachev's Russia and the American foreign policy Severin Bialer and Michael Mendenbaum, Progress Publishers. There are several books on the shelf, including "The Architecture of Soviet Georgia", a book about Gorbachev on English language, "Bulletin of the Parliamentary Group of the USSR", the catalog "New Books Abroad", etc. Near the office there was a rather large reception room, where assistants L. Sukhanov and A. Korzhakov4 worked.

Shakhnazarov G. The price of freedom. M., 1993, p.157.

Alekseev, S.S. Gorbachev and Yeltsin: Triumph and Drama // Izv. Ural. state university - Yekaterinburg, 2003. No. 25. P.92.

RGANI. F. 89. Op. 9. D. 12. See also: Power and opposition. Russian political process XX

centuries. M., 1995. S. 309.

Alexander Olbik. The Baltic vector of Boris Yeltsin, http://bookz.ru/authors/ol_bik-a1ek5aps1g/ebn/1-ebn.html