Russian foreign ministers since 1991 have been different people, who defended various ideas about what role Russia should play in world politics. The first of them - Andrei Kozyrev - advocated cooperation with Western countries, but subsequent ministers sought to defend, first of all,.
Over the past twenty-seven years, the post of minister responsible for foreign relations of the state in our country has been successively occupied by four people:
- Andrey Kozyrev (1991 - 1996);
- Evgeny Primakov (1996 - 1998);
- Igor Ivanov (1998 - 2004);
- Sergey Lavrov (2004 – present).
In 1974, the future minister graduated from MGIMO and began his diplomatic career as an assistant in the Department of International Organizations of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At the same time, he wrote and defended his PhD thesis on the role of the UN in politics. In 1990, the diplomat became the head of the Department, where he worked for many years. After the resignation, Shevardnadze took over the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Andrei Kozyrev was known as a liberal-minded minister who had sympathy for the United States. According to him, during his first visit to this country he was shocked by the number of cars owned by ordinary Americans and their supermarkets.
The minister participated in the development of an agreement on the abolition of the USSR and its replacement with the CIS. During the events of 1993, he supported Boris Yeltsin and his actions. Kozyrev tried to establish allied relations with former rival countries, especially the United States.
In 1996, the politician left the post of minister. For some time he was a deputy of the State Duma, and later focused on international business. Since 2012, the former minister has lived in the United States. He willingly gives interviews in which he criticizes Russia's current policies. Kozyrev expresses confidence in the impending collapse of the “anti-Western” regime of modern Russian Federation.
Yevgeny Maksimovich Primakov is deservedly considered one of the most worthy politicians in our country after 1991. He managed to combine government and scientific activities.
Belonging to an older generation than many of his colleagues, he received a diplomatic education at the predecessor of MGIMO, the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies, which closed in 1954. Later, he was a graduate student at the economics department of the country's leading university (MSU) and defended his PhD in economics, and in 1969, his doctorate.
In the 1960s, Evgeniy Maksimovich wrote a lot of journalistic articles about the Middle East and traveled around the region. In the first half of the 1990s, Primakov was responsible for questions foreign intelligence our country.
In 1996, Primakov took over the post from Minister Kozyrev. It was negatively received by politicians in other countries. Primakov continued to use his predecessor’s term “partnership” in relation to Western countries, but began to add “equal” to it. In 1997, he advocated sanctions against the Baltic countries in response to the oppression of the Russian-speaking population. In 1998, Evgeny Maksimovich became the head of the government, and Igor Ivanov received the ministerial portfolio.
Igor Ivanov was educated at the Moscow Institute of Foreign Languages in 1969 and began working as a research fellow at the Institute of World Economy and international relations. Four years later he joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Over the course of seventeen years, he built a successful diplomatic career and in 1995 served as Russia's Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Spain. After this, the diplomat became Yevgeny Primakov’s deputy. In 1998, Primakov headed the government, and Ivanov took the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs.
After six years in a high post, Igor Sergeevich continued to work in the diplomatic field. Until 2007, he was a member of the Russian Security Council. Since 2011, he has headed the Russian International Affairs Council.
Like many Soviet and Russian diplomats, Sergei Viktorovich was educated at MGIMO (in the eastern department). His first assignment was Sri Lanka. Therefore, in addition to the usual European languages for a diplomat, Lavrov knows the Sinhala language, which is spoken by the largest population of the island.
From 1992 to 1994, Sergei Lavrov served as deputy to Kozyrev, who then served as minister. He later served as our country’s permanent representative to the UN for ten years. In 2004, he received the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs and was reappointed to it several times. In this position, Sergei Viktorovich defends the national interests of Russia. He is known for his strong stance when dealing with foreign diplomats. In Europe and the United States, Lavrov is sometimes called the “second Gromyko” due to the minister’s tough position in the negotiations.
Today Sergei Lavrov is one of the most respected by ordinary citizens Russian politicians together with Vladimir Putin and Timur Shoigu. The lifestyle of the Russian diplomat attracts the attention of the press. Despite the passing years, the minister maintains contacts with his almamater - MGIMO. He enters board of trustees Institute and regularly participates in New Year’s skit parties.
Sergei Viktorovich writes poetry and is interested in poetry. He became the author of the MGIMO anthem. In recent months, Lavrov’s congratulatory poems addressed to the recently deceased Vitaly Churkin, where Sergei Viktorovich speaks warmly and respectfully about his diplomatic colleague, have become popular online. Despite his age, the minister is interested in sports - in particular, rafting and football. In addition to sports, the diplomat loves expensive cigars; there are several comical episodes of how Lavrov put colleagues in their place who tried to prohibit him from smoking in their presence.
Since 1991, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Russia have reflected the policy of the President of Russia in their activities. Kozyrev, in his desire to cooperate with, largely reflected the position of the entire top leadership of the Russian Federation. With the rise of Russia in the late 1990s, the country is reasserting itself as a serious force on the world stage. And the position of its ministers is becoming firmer.
20. Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation 1992-2004. Personal status and political weight.
Ministers:
KOZYREV Andrey Vladimirovich (Appointed on October 11, 1990. Reappointed on July 25, 1991, November 14, 1991, December 23, 1992. Released from office on January 5, 1996 due to his election to the State Duma)
PRIMAKOV Evgeniy Maksimovich (Appointed January 9, 1996. Reappointed August 14, 1996 - IX.1998)
Lavrov Sergey Viktorovich
Sergei Lavrov was born on March 21, 1950 in Moscow. In 1972 he graduated from MGIMO. After graduation, he worked at the USSR Embassy in Sri Lanka. In 1976 - 1981 worked in the department of international economic organizations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as third and second secretary. In 1981 - 1988 - First Secretary, Advisor, Senior Advisor to the Permanent Mission of the USSR to the UN. In 1988 - 1990 - Deputy, First Deputy Head of the Department of International Economic Relations of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1990 - 1992 served as Director of the Department of International Organizations and global problems Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, 1992 - 1994 - Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs - Director of the Department of International Organizations and Global Issues. In 1994, he was appointed permanent representative of Russia to the UN, as well as to the Council of Transport and Communications. On March 9, 2004, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in the Government of Mikhail Fradkov. In May 2004, after the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, who was elected for the next term, took office, he was again appointed to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. Permanent member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Chairman of the Russian Federation Commission for UNESCO (since April 2004).
Primakov Evgeniy Maksimovich
President of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Russian Federation
Born on October 29, 1929 in Kyiv. In 1953 he graduated from the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies, in 1956 - graduate school of the Moscow state university them. M.V. Lomonosov. 1956 - 1970 - Correspondent of the State Committee for Radio Broadcasting and Television, newspaper "Pravda". 1970 - 1977 - Deputy Director of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Academy of Sciences. 1977 - 1985 - Director of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences. 1985 - 1989 - Director of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations. 1989 - 1990 - Chairman of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Chairman of the Parliamentary Group of the USSR. 1989 - 1990 - candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. In 1991 - First Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the USSR - Head of the 1st Main Directorate. 1991 - 1996 - Director of the Central Intelligence Service of the USSR, Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Russia. Since January 1996 - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. In April 1998, after the resignation of the Chernomyrdin government, by presidential decree he was appointed to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs in the new cabinet of ministers. On August 23, 1998, Russian President Boris Yeltsin dismissed the cabinet of ministers headed by Sergei Kiriyenko. Viktor Chernomyrdin, whose candidacy twice failed to pass the vote in the State Duma, was appointed acting prime minister on September 10, 1998. The President submitted the candidacy of Yevgeny Primakov to the Duma for consideration. On September 11, 1998, by Resolution of the State Duma of the Russian Federation No. 2961-II GD dated September 11, 1998 (SZ RF, 1998, No. 38), he was approved as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. Appointed by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1087 dated September 11, 1998 (SZ RF, 1998, No. 37). On May 12, 1999, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was dismissed from the post of Prime Minister (Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 580 of May 12, 1999). At the beginning of August 1999, the media reported the appointment of Yevgeny Primakov to the position of geopolitical adviser to the Orenburg governor Vladimir Elagin. On August 17, 1999, Yevgeny Primakov officially announced his consent to head the Fatherland – All Russia election bloc. Together with Yuri Luzhkov, Vladimir Yakovlev, he headed the federal list of OVR. On December 17, 1999, on the eve of the parliamentary elections, Yevgeny Primakov for the first time officially confirmed his intention to run for the presidency of Russia in 2000. On December 19, 1999, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the third convocation on the federal list of the Fatherland - All Russia electoral bloc. On January 18, 2000, at the first meeting of the State Duma, he was nominated by the Fatherland - All Russia faction as a candidate for the post of Chairman of the Duma. Withdrew his candidacy. On February 4, 2000, Yevgeny Primakov, speaking on television, announced his refusal to participate in the presidential elections. In September 2001, he left the post of head of the OVR faction in the State Duma. In December 2001, he was elected president of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Russian Federation.
Ivanov Igor Sergeevich
Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation
Igor Ivanov was born on September 23, 1945 in Moscow. In 1969 he graduated from the Moscow State Pedagogical Institute of Foreign Languages named after Maurice Thorez (since 1990 - Moscow State Linguistic University). Speaks Spanish and English languages. 1969 - 1973 - Junior Researcher at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1973 - second secretary of the First European Department of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1973 - 1977 - Senior engineer of the USSR Trade Representation in Madrid. 1977 - 1983 - First Secretary, Counselor, Minister-Counselor of the USSR Embassy in Spain. 1983 - 1984 - 1st class expert of the European Department of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1984 - 1985 - Advisor to the group under the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. 1985 - 1986 - Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. 1986 - 1989 - Deputy, First Deputy Head - Head of the Department of the General Secretariat of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1989 - 1991 - Head of the General Secretariat of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, member of the Board of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1991 - 1994 - Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR to Spain, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to Spain. Since January 1994 - First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, since January 1995 - Secretary of State - First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. On September 11, 1998, by presidential decree, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. On October 2, 1998, by presidential decree, he was included in the permanent membership of the Security Council. On May 12, 1999, he was dismissed as part of Primakov’s cabinet. He entered the new government in his previous capacity - Minister of Foreign Affairs. Retained this post in subsequent governments (Sergei Stepashin and Vladimir Putin). On May 18, 2000, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in the government of Mikhail Kasyanov. On February 24, 2004, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was dismissed as part of the Government of Mikhail Kasyanov. On March 9, 2004, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed to the post of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.
Kozyrev Andrey Vladimirovich
Date of Birth
Place of Birth
Brussels (Belgium).
Citizenship
A citizen of Russian Federation.
Education
School:
Graduate School: In 1974 he graduated from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs with a degree in International Relations.
Foreign languages: Fluent in English, Spanish, Portuguese.
On September 8/20, 1802, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was formed by the Manifesto of Emperor Alexander I. With its creation, the KID did not cease to exist, but gradually all the most important political issues were transferred to the jurisdiction of various departments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Collegium was finally abolished in 1832. The First Minister of Foreign Affairs A.R. Vorontsov formed a temporary office, which was initially divided into 4 expeditions engaged in political correspondence. Later, in 1806, a new structure of the Minister's Office was established. A number of new departments appeared within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including the Expedition of Consular Affairs, the Educational Department of Oriental Languages, the Internal Economic Unit, the Department of Internal Relations, the Department of Foreign Relations, etc.
By 1816, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had acquired a clear structure, which remained stable until the 40s of the 19th century. The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the second person after the emperor in public administration- Minister of Foreign Affairs with the rank of Chancellor. Two state secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were appointed as deputies or assistant ministers. Officials were assigned ranks in accordance with international classification established by the Congress of Vienna (1815). The diplomatic ranks adopted in 1815 existed in Russia until October 1917. The central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs included: the Chancellery, the Department of Internal Relations (which included all political and consular affairs, as well as issues relating to Russian subjects); Asian Department and Department of Personnel and Economic Affairs. The central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with three departments, also included the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Commission for the publication of state charters and agreements, and the editorial offices of official publications of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Russian and French.
Foreign divisions included: Russian embassies in the great powers, missions, residencies in small and dependent eastern countries, consulates general, consulates, vice-consulates and consular agencies.
N.P.Rumyantsev
Rumyantsev Nikolai Petrovich (04/3/1754-01/3/1826), count, statesman, diplomat Under Alexander I, Rumyantsev in 1802 took the post of Minister of Commerce and chief director of “water communications and the commission on the construction of roads in Russia.” To these responsibilities, management of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was added in 1807. Having become chairman of the State Council in 1810 (from 1801 he was its member), he continued to lead both ministries, transferring control of communications to Prince Georg of Oldenburg in 1809. In the same year, for his activities in concluding the Treaty of Friedrichsham with Sweden and the annexation of Finland, Rumyantsev received the title of State Chancellor. In 1812, upon the news of Napoleon's speech against Russia, Rumyantsev suffered an apoplexy, and in 1814 he retired.
I.A. Kapodistria
Kapodistrias Ivan Antonovich (February 11, 1776 - October 9, 1831) - statesman, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia.
In 1803-06, Secretary of State for foreign affairs The Republic of the Seven United Islands (Ionian Republic), created in 1800 during the Archipelago expeditions of the Russian fleet. After the transfer, according to the Peace of Tilsit, of the Russian protectorate over the Ionian Islands to the French, Kapodistrias was invited to Russian service in May 1808 and arrived in St. Petersburg in January 1809.
In May 1809, with the rank of state councilor, he was assigned to the Collegium of Foreign Affairs.
From August 1811, supernumerary secretary of the Russian embassy in Vienna.
From June 1812 he headed the diplomatic office of the Commander-in-Chief of the Danube Army, Admiral P.V. Chichagov.
In 1813 he managed the diplomatic office of Infantry General M.B. Barclay de Tolly. After the Battle of Leipzig at the end of 1813, on behalf of Emperor Alexander I, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Switzerland, and managed to ensure its neutrality at the final stage of the campaign against Napoleon I.
In 1814-15, Russian envoy to Switzerland. Being at gr. A.K. Razumovsky, participated in the work of the Vienna Congress; showed great diplomatic abilities, acting as a worthy opponent of the Austrian Foreign Minister, Prince. K. Metternich.
In August 1815 he was appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
In 1816-22, together with gr. K.V. Nesselrode headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (in charge of diplomatic relations between Russia and the countries of the East, relations with the Slavic peoples). During these years, Kapodistrias enjoyed the special trust of Emperor Alexander I, was his closest adviser in Balkan affairs, accompanied the emperor to the congresses of the “Holy Alliance” in Aachen (1818) and Troppau (1820); did a lot to improve Russian-French relations, opposed Russia's participation in suppressing the uprising in Naples. He advocated the liberation of its European possessions from the yoke of Turkey and the creation of a number of Christian states in the Balkans under the auspices of Russia.
On July 2, 1985, Eduard Shevardnadze took office as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. The “dilettante” decided to recall some of the minister’s Soviet colleagues.
Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov (party pseudonym, real name - Scriabin) was born on February 25 (March 9), 1890 in the settlement of Kukarka, Kukarsky district, Vyatka province (now the city of Sovetsk, Kirov region) in the family of Mikhail Prokhorovich Scriabin, clerk of the trading house of the merchant Yakov Nebogatikov.
V. M. Molotov spent his childhood years in Vyatka and Nolinsk. In 1902-1908 he studied at the 1st Kazan Real School. In the wake of the events of 1905, he joined the revolutionary movement, and in 1906 he joined the RSDLP. In April 1909, he was first arrested and exiled to the Vologda province.
After serving his exile, in 1911 V. M. Molotov came to St. Petersburg, passed the exams for a real school as an external student and entered the economics department of the Polytechnic Institute. From 1912, he collaborated with the Bolshevik newspaper Zvezda, then became secretary of the editorial board of the newspaper Pravda, and a member of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP. During the preparation of the publication of Pravda, I met I.V. Stalin.
After the arrest of the RSDLP faction in the IV State Duma in 1914, he hid under the name Molotov. Since the autumn of 1914, he worked in Moscow to recreate the party organization destroyed by the secret police. In 1915, V. M. Molotov was arrested and exiled to the Irkutsk province for three years. In 1916 he escaped from exile and lived illegally.
V. M. Molotov met the February Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. He was a delegate to the VII (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b) (April 24-29, 1917), a delegate to the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) from the Petrograd organization. He was a member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council and the Military Revolutionary Committee, which led the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917.
After the establishment of Soviet power, V. M. Molotov was in leading party work. In 1919, he was chairman of the Nizhny Novgorod provincial executive committee, and later became secretary of the Donetsk provincial committee of the RCP (b). In 1920 he was elected secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine.
In 1921-1930, V. M. Molotov served as Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Since 1921, he was a candidate member of the Politburo of the Party Central Committee, and in 1926 he became a member of the Politburo. He actively participated in the fight against the internal party opposition and became one of the close associates of I.V. Stalin.
In 1930-1941, V. M. Molotov headed the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, and at the same time, since May 1939, he was the People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. An entire era in Soviet foreign policy is associated with his name. The signature of V. M. Molotov is on the non-aggression treaty with Hitler's Germany of August 23, 1939 (the so-called “Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact”), assessments of which were and remain ambiguous.
It fell to V. M. Molotov to inform the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR on June 22, 1941. The words he said then: “Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours,” went down in the history of the Great Patriotic War 1941−1945.
It was Molotov who informed the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany
During the war years, V. M. Molotov served as First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, Deputy Chairman State Committee defense of the USSR. In 1943 he was awarded the title of Hero Socialist Labor. V. M. Molotov took an active part in organizing and holding the Tehran (1943), Crimean (1945) and Potsdam (1945) conferences of the heads of government of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, at which the main parameters of the post-war structure of Europe were determined.
V. M. Molotov remained as head of the NKID (from 1946 - the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs) until 1949, again heading the ministry in 1953-1957. From 1941 to 1957, he simultaneously held the position of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (since 1946, the Council of Ministers) of the USSR.
At the June plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in 1957, V. M. Molotov spoke out against N. S. Khrushchev, joining his opponents, who were condemned as an “anti-party group.” Together with its other members, he was removed from the leadership of the party and removed from all government posts.
In 1957-1960, V. M. Molotov was the USSR Ambassador to the Mongolian People's Republic, and in 1960-1962 he headed the Soviet representative office at the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna. In 1962 he was recalled from Vienna and expelled from the CPSU. By order of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 12, 1963, V. M. Molotov was released from work in the ministry due to his retirement.
In 1984, with the sanction of K.U. Chernenko, V.M. Molotov was reinstated in the CPSU while maintaining his party experience.
V. M. Molotov died in Moscow on November 8, 1986 and was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery.
Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky, a descendant of an old Polish noble family, a former Menshevik, who signed the order for the arrest of Lenin, it would seem, was doomed to fall into the millstones of the system. Surprisingly, instead, he himself came to power, holding the positions of: Prosecutor of the USSR, Prosecutor of the RSFSR, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rector of Moscow State University.
He owed this largely to his personal qualities, because even his opponents often note his deep education and outstanding oratorical abilities. It is for this reason that Vyshinsky’s lectures and court speeches have always attracted the attention of not only the professional legal community, but also the entire population. His performance was also noted. Already as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day.
This is what contributed to his contribution to legal science. At one time, his works on criminology, criminal procedure, theory of state and law, and international law were considered classics. Even now, the concept of sectoral division of the legal system developed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky lies at the foundation of modern Russian jurisprudence.
As Minister, Vyshinsky worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day
But nevertheless, A. Ya. Vyshinsky went down in history as the “chief Soviet prosecutor” at the trials of the 1930s. For this reason, his name is almost always associated with the period of the Great Terror. The “Moscow trials” undoubtedly did not comply with the principles of a fair trial. Based on circumstantial evidence, the innocent were sentenced to death or long prison terms.
He was also characterized as an “inquisitor” by the extrajudicial form of sentencing in which he participated—the so-called “two,” officially the Commission of the NKVD of the USSR and the Prosecutor of the USSR. The defendants in this case were deprived of even a formal trial.
However, let me quote Vyshinsky himself: “It would be a big mistake to see the prosecutor’s office’s accusatory work as its main content. the main task the prosecutor's office - to be a guide and guardian of the rule of law."
As Prosecutor of the USSR, his main task was the reform of the prosecutorial and investigative apparatus. The following problems had to be overcome: low education of prosecutors and investigators, staff shortages, bureaucracy, and negligence. As a result, a unique system of supervision over compliance with the law was formed, which the prosecutor's office remains at the present time.
The direction of Vyshinsky’s actions was even of a human rights nature, as far as this was possible in the conditions of totalitarian reality. For example, in January 1936, he initiated a review of cases against collective farmers and representatives of rural authorities convicted of theft in the early 30s. Tens of thousands of them were released.
Less well known are activities aimed at supporting Soviet defense. In numerous speeches and writings, he defended the independence and procedural powers of lawyers, often criticizing his colleagues for neglecting the defense. However, the declared ideals were not realized in practice, if we recall, for example, the “troikas”, which were the opposite of the adversarial process.
The diplomatic career of A. Ya. Vyshinsky is no less interesting. IN last years During his life, he served as the permanent representative of the USSR to the UN. In his speeches, he expressed authoritative opinions on many areas of international politics and international law. His speech on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is well known - Vyshinsky foresaw problems with the implementation of the proclaimed rights, which are only now being noticed in the scientific and professional community.
The personality of Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky is ambiguous. On the one hand, participation in punitive justice. On the other hand, scientific and professional achievements, strong personal qualities, and the desire to achieve the ideal of “socialist legality.” It is they who force even Vyshinsky’s most fierce opponent to recognize in him that bearer of the highest values - “a man of his craft.”
We can conclude that it is possible to be one under totalitarianism. This was confirmed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky.
Born into a family of railway workshop workers. After the family moved to Tashkent, he studied first at the gymnasium and then at the secondary school.
In 1926 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov and the Faculty of Agriculture of the Institute of Red Professorships.
Since 1926 - in the justice authorities, in 1926-1928 he worked as a prosecutor in Yakutia. Since 1929 - on scientific work. In 1933-1935 he worked in the political department of one of the Siberian state farms. After the publication of a number of notable articles, he was invited to the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1935 - in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Department of Science). As Leonid Mlechin reports, at one of the meetings on scientific issues, Shepilov “allowed himself to object to Stalin.” Stalin suggested that he back down, but Shepilov stood his ground, as a result of which he was expelled from the Central Committee and spent seven months without work.
Since 1938 - Scientific Secretary of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
In the first days of the war, he volunteered to go to the front as part of the Moscow militia, although he had a “reservation” as a professor and the opportunity to go to Kazakhstan as director of the Institute of Economics. From 1941 to 1946 - in the Soviet Army. He worked his way up from a private to major general, head of the Political Department of the 4th Guards Army.
In 1956, Khrushchev achieved the removal of Molotov from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, installing his comrade-in-arms Shepilov in his place. On June 2, 1956, by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Shepilov was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, replacing Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov in this post.
In June 1956, the Soviet Foreign Minister toured the Middle East for the first time in history, visiting Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Greece. During negotiations in Egypt with President Nasser in June 1956, he gave secret consent to the USSR to sponsor the construction of the Aswan Dam. At the same time, Shepilov, due to the nature of his previous activities, not being a professional international affairs specialist, was impressed by the truly “pharaonic” reception that the then President of Egypt Nasser gave him, and upon returning to Moscow, he managed to convince Khrushchev to speed up the establishment of relations with the Arab countries of the Middle East in counterweight to normalization of relations with Israel. It should be taken into account that during the Second World War, almost the entire political elite of the Middle East countries collaborated with Hitler’s Germany in one way or another, and Nasser himself and his brothers then studied at German higher military educational institutions.
Represented the USSR's position on the Suez crisis and the uprising in Hungary in 1956. He headed the Soviet delegation at the London Suez Canal Conference.
Contributed to the normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations: in October 1956, a joint declaration was signed with Japan, ending the state of war. The USSR and Japan exchanged ambassadors.
In its speech at the 20th Congress, the CPSU called for the forcible export of socialism outside the USSR. At the same time, he participated in the preparation of Khrushchev’s report “On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences,” but the prepared version of the report was significantly changed.
Shepilov called for the forced export of socialism outside the USSR
When Malenkov, Molotov and Kaganovich in June 1957 tried to remove Khrushchev at a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, presenting him whole list accusations, Shepilov suddenly also began to criticize Khrushchev for establishing his own “cult of personality,” although he was never a member of this group. As a result of the defeat of the group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee that followed on June 22, 1957, the formulation “anti-party group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich and Shepilov who joined them” was born.
There is another, less literary-spectacular explanation for the origins of the formulation using the word “aligned”: a group that would consist of eight members would be awkward to call a “breakaway anti-party group”, since it turned out to be a clear majority, and this would be obvious even to readers of Pravda. To be called "factional schismatics", there had to be no more than seven members of the group; Shepilov was eighth.
It sounds more reasonable to assume that, unlike the seven members of the “anti-party group” - members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, Shepilov was defined as a “joiner”, since, as a candidate member of the Presidium, he did not have the right to a decisive vote in the voting.
Shepilov was relieved of all party and government posts. Since 1957 - director, since 1959 - deputy director of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR, in 1960-1982 - archaeographer, then senior archaeographer at the Main Archival Directorate under the USSR Council of Ministers.
Since the cliché “and Shepilov, who joined them,” was actively discussed in the press, a joke appeared: “The longest surname is And Shepilov, who joined them”; when a half-liter bottle of vodka was shared “by three,” the fourth drinking companion was nicknamed “Shepilov,” etc. Thanks to this phrase, the name of the party functionary was recognized by millions of Soviet citizens. Shepilov’s own memoirs are polemically entitled “Non-Aligned”; they are sharply critical of Khrushchev.
Shepilov himself, according to his memoirs, considered the case fabricated. He was expelled from the party in 1962, reinstated in 1976, and in 1991 reinstated in the USSR Academy of Sciences. Retired since 1982.
Of all the Russian and Soviet foreign ministers, only one, Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, served in this post for a legendary length of time - twenty-eight years. His name was well known not only in the Soviet Union, but also far beyond its borders. His position as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR made him famous throughout the world.
The diplomatic fate of A. A. Gromyko was such that for almost half a century he was at the center of world politics and earned the respect of even his political opponents. In diplomatic circles he was called the “patriarch of diplomacy”, “the most informed foreign minister in the world.” His legacy, despite the fact that the Soviet era is far behind, is still relevant today.
A. A. Gromyko was born on July 5, 1909 in the village of Starye Gromyki, Vetkovsky district, Gomel region. In 1932 he graduated from the Economic Institute, in 1936 - postgraduate studies at the All-Russian Research Institute of Agricultural Economics, Doctor of Economics (since 1956). In 1939 he was transferred to the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR. By this time, as a result of repressions, almost all the leading cadres of Soviet diplomacy had been destroyed, and Gromyko began to quickly make his career. At just under 30 years old, a native of the Belarusian hinterland with a PhD in Economics, almost immediately after joining the NKID, received the responsible post of head of the Department of American Countries. It was an unusually steep rise, even for those times when careers were created and destroyed overnight. No sooner had the young diplomat settled into his new apartments on Smolenskaya Square than he was summoned to the Kremlin. Stalin, in the presence of Molotov, said: “Comrade Gromyko, we intend to send you to work at the USSR Embassy in the USA as an adviser.” Thus, A. Gromyko became an adviser to the embassy in the United States for four years and at the same time an envoy to Cuba.
In 1946-1949 deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and at the same time in 1946-1948. fast. Representative of the USSR to the UN, 1949-1952. and 1953-1957 first deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, in 1952-1953. USSR Ambassador to Great Britain, in April 1957 Gromyko was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and served in this post until July 1985. Since 1983, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. In 1985-1988 Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
The diplomatic talent of Andrei Andreevich Gromyko was quickly noticed abroad. The authority of Andrei Gromyko, recognized by the West, was of the highest standard. In August 1947, Times magazine wrote: “As permanent representative Soviet Union In the Security Council, Gromyko does his job at a level of mind-blowing competence.”
At the same time, with light hand Western journalists, Andrei Gromyko, as an active participant in the " cold war”, became the owner of a whole series of unflattering nicknames like “Andrey the Wolf”, “robot misanthrope”, “man without a face”, “modern Neanderthal”, etc. Gromyko became well known in international circles for his eternally dissatisfied and gloomy expression, as well as extremely unyielding actions, for which he received the nickname “Mr. No”. Regarding this nickname, A. A. Gromyko noted: “They heard my “no” much less often than I heard their “know,” because we put forward much more proposals. In their newspapers they called me “Mr. No” because I did not allow myself to be manipulated. Whoever sought this wanted to manipulate the Soviet Union. We are a great power and we won’t allow anyone to do this!”
Thanks to his intransigence, Gromyko received the nickname "Mr. No"
However, Willy Brandt, Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, noted in his memoirs: “I found Gromyko a more pleasant interlocutor than I imagined him from the stories about this sarcastic “Mr. No.” He gave the impression of a correct and imperturbable person, reserved in a pleasant Anglo-Saxon manner. He knew how to make it clear in an unobtrusive manner how much experience he had.”
A. A. Gromyko adhered extremely firmly to the approved position. “The Soviet Union on the international stage is me,” thought Andrei Gromyko. — All our successes in the negotiations that led to the conclusion of important international treaties and agreements, are explained by the fact that I was firmly convinced and even adamant, especially when I saw that they were talking to me, and therefore to the Soviet Union, from a position of strength or playing cat and mouse. I never fawned over Westerners and after being hit on one cheek, I did not turn the other. Moreover, I acted in such a way that my overly obstinate opponent would have a hard time.”
Many did not know that A. A. Gromyko had a delightful sense of humor. His remarks could include pointed comments that came as a surprise during tense moments when receiving delegations. Henry Kissinger, coming to Moscow, was constantly afraid of eavesdropping by the KGB. Once, during a meeting, he pointed to a chandelier hanging in the room and asked the KGB to make him a copy of American documents, since the Americans’ copying equipment was “out of order.” Gromyko answered him in the same tone that chandeliers were made during the reign of the tsars and they could only contain microphones.
Among the most important achievements, Andrei Gromyko singled out four points: the creation of the UN, the development of agreements on the limitation of nuclear weapons, the legalization of borders in Europe and, finally, the recognition by the United States of the role of a great power for the USSR.
Few people today remember that the UN was conceived in Moscow. It was here in October 1943 that the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain declared that the world needed an international security organization. It was easy to declare, but difficult to do. Gromyko stood at the origins of the UN; the Charter of this organization bears his signature. In 1946, he became the first Soviet representative to the UN and at the same time deputy and then first deputy minister of foreign affairs. Gromyko was a participant and subsequently the head of our country’s delegation at 22 sessions of the UN General Assembly.
“The question of questions,” the “super task,” as A. A. Gromyko himself put it, was for him the process of negotiations to control the arms race, both conventional and nuclear. He went through all the stages of the post-war disarmament epic. Already in 1946, on behalf of the USSR, A. A. Gromyko made a proposal for a general reduction and regulation of weapons and a ban on the military use of atomic energy. Gromyko considered the Treaty Banning Tests of Nuclear Weapons in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water, signed on August 5, 1963, the negotiations on which had dragged on since 1958, to be a source of special pride.
Another priority foreign policy A. A. Gromyko believed that the results of World War II would be consolidated. This is, first of all, a settlement around West Berlin, the formalization of the status quo with the two German states, Germany and the GDR, and then pan-European affairs.
The historical agreements of the USSR (and then Poland and Czechoslovakia) with Germany in 1970-1971, as well as the 1971 quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, required enormous strength, persistence and flexibility from Moscow. How great the personal role of A. A. Gromyko in the preparation of these fundamental documents for peace in Europe is evident from the fact that to develop the text of the Moscow Treaty of 1970, he held 15 meetings with Chancellor W. Brandt’s adviser E. Bar and the same number with the minister Foreign Affairs V. Sheel.
It was they and the previous efforts that cleared the way for détente and the convening of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The significance of the Final Act signed in August 1975 in Helsinki had a global scale. It was, in essence, a code of conduct for states in key areas of relations, including military-political. The inviolability of post-war borders in Europe was secured, to which A. A. Gromyko attached special importance, and the preconditions were created for strengthening European stability and security.
It was thanks to the efforts of A. A. Gromyko that all the i’s were dotted between the USSR and the USA during the Cold War. In September 1984, at the initiative of the Americans, a meeting between Andrei Gromyko and Ronald Reagan took place in Washington. These were Reagan's first negotiations with a representative of the Soviet leadership. Reagan recognized the Soviet Union as a superpower. But another statement became even more significant. Let me remind you of the words spoken by the herald of the myth of the “evil empire” after the end of the meeting in the White House: “The United States respects the status of the Soviet Union as a superpower ... and we have no desire to change its social system.” Thus, Gromyko's diplomacy obtained from the United States official recognition of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union.
Thanks to Gromyko, relations between the USSR and the USA were stabilized
Andrei Gromyko carried in his memory many facts that had been forgotten by wide circles of the international community. “Can you imagine,” Andrei Gromyko told his son, “it’s none other than the polished Macmillan, the Prime Minister of Great Britain. Since this was at the height of the Cold War, he makes attacks on us. Well, I would say that the usual UN cuisine is working, with all its political, diplomatic and propaganda techniques. I sit and think about how to respond to these attacks on occasion, during debates. Suddenly, Nikita Sergeevich, who was sitting next to me, bends down and, as I first thought, was looking for something under the table. I even moved away a little so as not to disturb him. And suddenly I see him pull out his shoe and start pounding it on the surface of the table. Frankly speaking, my first thought was that Khrushchev felt ill. But after a moment I realized that our leader was protesting in this way, seeking to embarrass MacMillan. I became all tense and, against my will, began to bang on the table with my fists - after all, I had to somehow support the head of the Soviet delegation. I didn’t look in Khrushchev’s direction, I was embarrassed. The situation was truly comical. And what’s surprising is that you can make dozens of smart and even brilliant speeches, but in decades no one will remember the speaker, Khrushchev’s shoe will not be forgotten.
As a result of almost half a century of practice, A. A. Gromyko developed for himself the “golden rules” of diplomatic work, which, however, are relevant not only for diplomats:
- it is absolutely unacceptable to immediately reveal all your cards to the other side, to want to solve the problem in one fell swoop;
— careful use of summits; poorly prepared, they do more harm than good;
- you cannot allow yourself to be manipulated either by crude or sophisticated means;
— Success in foreign policy requires a realistic assessment of the situation. It is even more important that this reality does not disappear;
— the most difficult thing is to consolidate the real situation through diplomatic agreements and international legal formalization of a compromise;
- constant struggle for initiative. In diplomacy, initiative is The best way protection of state interests.
A. A. Gromyko believed that diplomatic activity is hard work, requiring those who engage in it to mobilize all their knowledge and abilities. The task of a diplomat is “to fight to the end for the interests of his country, without harming others.” “To work across the entire range of international relations, to find useful connections between seemingly separate processes,” this thought was a kind of constant in his diplomatic activity. “The main thing in diplomacy is compromise, harmony between states and their leaders.”
In October 1988, Andrei Andreevich retired and worked on his memoirs. He passed away on July 2, 1989. “The State, the Fatherland is us,” he liked to say. “If we don’t do it, no one will.”
Born on January 25, 1928 in the village of Mamati, Lanchkhuti district (Guria).
Graduated from Tbilisi Medical College. In 1959 he graduated from Kutaisi Pedagogical Institute. A. Tsulukidze.
Since 1946, at Komsomol and party work. From 1961 to 1964 he was the first secretary of the district committee of the Communist Party of Georgia in Mtskheta, and then the first secretary of the Pervomaisky district party committee of Tbilisi. In the period from 1964 to 1972 - First Deputy Minister for the Protection of Public Order, then - Minister of Internal Affairs of Georgia. From 1972 to 1985 - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia. In this post, he carried out a highly publicized campaign against the shadow market and corruption, which, however, did not lead to the eradication of these phenomena.
In 1985-1990 - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, from 1985 to 1990 - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 9–11 convocations. In 1990-1991 - people's deputy THE USSR.
In December 1990, he resigned “in protest against the impending dictatorship” and in the same year left the ranks of the CPSU. In November 1991, at the invitation of Gorbachev, he again headed the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (called at that time the Ministry of Foreign Relations), but after the collapse of the USSR a month later this position was abolished.
Shevardnadze was one of Gorbachev’s associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika
In December 1991, the Minister of Foreign Relations of the USSR E. A. Shevardnadze was one of the first among the leaders of the USSR to recognize the Belovezhskaya Agreements and the upcoming demise of the USSR.
E. A. Shevardnadze was one of M. S. Gorbachev’s associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika, glasnost and détente.
Sources
- http://firstolymp.ru/2014/05/28/andrej-yanuarevich-vyshinskij/
- http://krsk.mid.ru/gromyko-andrej-andreevic
8/20 September 1802 The Manifesto of Emperor Alexander I established Ministry of Foreign Affairs. With its creation, the KID did not cease to exist, but gradually all the most important political issues were transferred to the jurisdiction of various departments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The College was finally abolished in 1832.
First Minister of Foreign Affairs A.R.Vorontsov formed a temporary office, which was initially divided into 4 expeditions engaged in political correspondence. Later, in 1806, a new structure of the Minister's Office was established. A number of new departments appeared within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including the Expedition of Consular Affairs, the Educational Department of Oriental Languages, the Internal Economic Unit, the Department of Internal Relations, the Department of Foreign Relations, etc.
By 1816, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had acquired a clear structure, which remained stable until the 40s of the 19th century. The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the second person in government administration after the emperor - the Minister of Foreign Affairs with the rank of Chancellor. Two state secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were appointed as deputies or assistant ministers. Officials were assigned ranks in accordance with the international classification established by the Congress of Vienna (1815). The diplomatic ranks adopted in 1815 existed in Russia until October 1917.
The central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs included: the Chancellery, the Department of Internal Relations (which was responsible for all political and consular affairs, as well as issues relating to Russian subjects); Asian Department and Department of Personnel and Economic Affairs. The central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with three departments, also included the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Commission for the publication of state charters and agreements, and the editorial offices of the official publications of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Russian and French.
Foreign divisions included: Russian embassies in the great powers, missions, residencies in small and dependent eastern countries, consulates general, consulates, vice-consulates and consular agencies.
In 1846, at the suggestion of the Chancellor K.V.Nesselrode The “Establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” (Regulations on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) was adopted, which determined the new structure and functions of the Ministry. According to Article 1 of the “Institutions” - “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the following subjects: political relations with foreign states, petition for the legal protection of Russian citizens in foreign lands and assistance in satisfying the just demands of foreigners regarding their affairs in Russia.” Article 4 established the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
As a result of the Crimean War (1853-1856), Russia's international position became seriously complicated. During this difficult period for Russia in 1856, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs headed A.M. Gorchakov, whose name is associated with major achievements in the international arena, as well as the reorganization of the department itself. Gorchakov's famous circulars went down in history - in 1856, outlining the foundations of Russia's foreign policy, and in 1870, declaring that Russia no longer considered itself bound by the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty, which limited its sovereign rights in the Black Sea.
In 1868, a new “Establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” was put into effect, and the staff of the central divisions of the department was also changed in the direction of reduction. If in 1839 there were 535 officials on the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, then under Gorchakov only 134 full-time positions were retained. At the same time, departments were given the right to have officials in addition to their staff “to strengthen their resources.”
By the 90s of the XIX century. In connection with the complication of foreign policy tasks, the need for a structural transformation of the Ministry has again become urgent. In November 1895, a member of the Council of the Ministry, the famous international lawyer F.F. Martens prepared a plan for the reorganization of the Foreign Ministry, taking into account the experience of the diplomatic departments of Western European countries, but this project was not implemented.
Only after his appointment in May 1906 as Minister of Foreign Affairs A.P. Izvolsky In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, another reform was carried out, stretching over several years, with the aim of modernizing the structure of the department in accordance with the new political conditions created by the revolution of 1905 and the convening of the State Duma.
In particular, a Press Department was created at that time, whose responsibilities included monitoring publications of the Russian and foreign press on international topics and “providing explanations to public opinion regarding the activities of the ministry.”
By 1913, Russia had created an extensive network of diplomatic and consular missions abroad. Thus, if in 1758 there were 11 Russian foreign institutions, in 1868 - 102, in 1897 - 147, in 1903 - 173, then by the beginning of the First World War Russia maintained diplomatic relations with 47 countries and had more than 200 representative offices abroad.
In 1914, under Minister S.D. Sazonov, a bill on new staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was approved, which was not implemented due to the outbreak of the First World War. The complication and expansion of the tasks and functions of the ministry in wartime entailed the need to make changes to the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the work of its foreign missions. A new division appeared - the Legal Advisory Unit, in December 1915 the Special Department of Prisoners of War was created, and in April 1916 the Information Department was created with the aim of obtaining and developing information “on the development of political thought in foreign countries.” To maintain constant contact with the Supreme Commander's Headquarters, the Diplomatic Chancellery was created.
Materials from the website of the Historical and Documentary Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs were used
